1. Introduction
Worldwide, there is mounting recognition of the significant role Indigenous-led conservation can play in the protection of nature and the climate. On December 2022, the United Nations Biodiversity Conference (COP15) ended in Montreal, Canada, with a landmark agreement, the
“Kunming–Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework” (GBF) to guide global action on nature through to 2030 (
Convention on Biological Diversity 2023). The GBF includes 23 action-oriented global targets to halt and reverse nature loss and recognizes the need to safeguard the rights of Indigenous Peoples as well as their contributions as stewards of nature (Supplement 1). Over 1.6 billion people worldwide rely on forests for their livelihoods, and Indigenous Peoples are the custodians of at least 36% of the world's large, intact forests (
Garnett et al. 2018). Evidence shows that when local people are empowered to manage forests they are better protected and managed with positive impacts on global biodiversity and socio-economic benefits for the communities (
Dawson et al. 2021;
FAO 2022).
The Government of Canada made ambitious announcements at the COP15, committing US$600 million to support Indigenous-led conservation by Indigenous Peoples across the country with the goal of expanding protected areas by 1 million km
2 over the next seven years (
Government of Canada 2022a,
2022b). With 9% of the world's forests and 30% of the world's boreal forest, Canadian forest landscapes are a global natural and cultural legacy (
Wells et al. 2013). As of 2022, more than 1.8 million people in Canada, almost 5% of the total population, identify as Aboriginal people, and almost 70% of them live in or near forested lands (
Statistics Canada 2023). There are also more than 50 languages spoken by different Indigenous groups whose cultures and economies are strongly interconnected with the land (
Norris 2006). Indigenous Peoples have been part of the land for millennia, and this relationship is critical for their health, livelihood, and well-being. Land means different things to non-Indigenous and Indigenous Peoples. Indigenous Peoples view health as a multidimensional balance of emotional, mental, spiritual, and physical health, all of which are interconnected with the relationship to the land. Yet, Indigenous Peoples have been historically excluded from conservation decisions, and their traditional ecological knowledge and holistic view of the land are still not incorporated into land use decision-making (
Sandlos 2014).
In Canada, the focal points of environment and conservation have been changing over the last two decades, with greater recognition and commitments to reconciliation and respect for Indigenous rights most recently exemplified through the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), as well as in efforts to meet international biodiversity conservation targets (
Convention on Biological Diversity 2023;
Stevens 2010;
Zurba et al. 2019). In addition, Canada is committed to addressing climate change and recognizes that conserving, protecting, and restoring nature are the best nature-based solutions to mitigate its impacts, and that collaboration with Indigenous Peoples is essential in this endeavour (
Townsend et al. 2020). As the Government of Canada aims to designate 25% of the territory as protected space by 2025 and 30% by 2030 (
Government of Canada 2022a), expectations are high, and challenges remain as to how to build new models of conservation that integrate Indigenous consent and leadership in this global effort.
With the need to move away from traditional conservation approaches, the concepts of Indigenous protected and conserved areas (IPCAs) and Indigenous and community conserved areas have emerged recently in Canada and around the world (
Herrmann et al. 2012;
Corrigan and Hay-Edie 2013;
Stevens 2014;
Stevens et al. 2016;
Etchart 2017). As a result, federal, provincial, and territorial governments have initiated close collaboration with Indigenous governments to develop some forms of co-management to reclaim lost access, traditional land use, and values of existing protected areas, as well as to create new protected and conserved areas that more directly benefit Indigenous individuals and communities (
Keenleyside et al. 2012;
Zurba et al. 2019). Despite the progress and the beginning of a mutual understanding, a truly decolonized approach is still a long way away because many efforts remain to be made to develop an inclusive decision-making process and holistic conservation policies that respect the rights and titles of Indigenous Peoples (
Artelle et al. 2021;
Mullen 2022).
This paper aims to discuss the recent paradigm shift towards Indigenous-led conservation and guiding principles to acknowledge and advance the crucial role of Indigenous Peoples in new conservation programs and policies. The principles presented here are driven by an ongoing collaboration between Dene Tha’ First Nation, represented by co-authors Munson Matt and Didzena Fred of the Dene Tha’ First Nation Land Department, the Canadian Forest Service, and the University of Alberta in the broader context of the Ărramăt project. The Ărramăt project led by the University of Alberta aims to build the capacity of Indigenous organizations to document, curate, share, and use their knowledge about the interconnections between biodiversity conservation and health and well-being. The purpose of this collaboration is multifaceted and echoes the Two-Eyed Seeing approach (
Bartlett et al. 2012), which combines the strengths of Indigenous knowledge and ways of knowing with the Western scientific approach to advance Indigenous-led conservation initiatives. Accordingly, we propose an opinion-style paper with the guidance of subject matter experts' advice from academia and the government, as well as Indigenous leaders having firsthand experience in conservation within their own communities and as part of their curriculum. First, we provide a brief history of Indigenous Peoples in conservation, followed by an overview of the origins, role, and distribution of Indigenous-led conservation efforts. Next, we present the concept of IPCAs in Canada and analyze their opportunities, gaps, and challenges. To conclude and find a path toward meaningful and inclusive conservation efforts in Canada, we suggest priority actions and guiding principles to implement community- and Indigenous-led conservation initiatives. Since most Indigenous territories in Canada are located inland, the study is oriented towards terrestrial conservation areas rather than maritime or coastal areas. However, we believe that the challenges and solutions discussed here could be beneficial to all types of Indigenous-led conservation efforts, regardless of their geographic location.
2. Methodology and data
This article aims to follow in the footsteps of previous collaborative work to decolonize conservation models by providing a combination of Western science and Indigenous perspectives (
Moore 2020;
Mulrennan and Bussières 2020;
Artelle et al. 2021;
M' sit No'kmaq et al. 2021;
Youdelis et al. 2021). This paper stems from the work of Dene Tha' First Nation, who are currently developing an IPCA in the region of Bistcho Lake located in Treaty 8 in northern Alberta, “Creating an Indigenous Protected and Conserved Area at Bistcho Lake” (
Dene Tha’ First Nation 2021). The protection and long-term management of the Bistcho Lake region aim to create social and ecological resilience while providing a refuge for future generations of people and wildlife. Founded by the Guardians Program, the project also aims to combine existing environmental monitoring programs with Indigenous-led resource management using traditional knowledge and western science together.
Our study benefits from thoughtful lessons and knowledge from Danika Littlechild. Danika is an Indigenous scholar from Neyaskweyahk, Ermineskin Cree Nation in Maskwacis, Treaty No. 6 territory (Alberta). Prior to joining the Department of Law and Legal Studies at Carleton University, Danika practised law in Canada for almost two decades, advising Indigenous Peoples across Canada and internationally in the areas of conservation, environment, health, and governance. Danika was the co-chair of the Indigenous Circle of Experts under the Pathway to Canada Target 1, intended to contribute to the realization of Canada's commitments under the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity. Danika is one of the principal investigators of the Ărramăt project, along with Brenda Parlee.
The Indigenous perspective on the paper is also enriched by the collaboration of Sharlene Alook and Alexandra Thomson. Sharlene is from Kisipikamahk, Bigstone Cree Nation, Treaty No. 8 territory (Alberta), and a master's student in Indigenous-led conservation and sustainability at the University of Alberta. Her work focuses on Indigenous knowledge, place names and mapping for the Bigstone Cree Nation. Alexandra is a Nakoda woman from Cega'kin (Carry the Kettle) First Nation, Treaty No. 4 territory (Alberta). Alexandra is currently the director of the Youth Programs for Indigenous Clean Energy Network, and she strives to apply her education in combination with Indigenous ways of knowing to solve issues that impact Indigenous communities as they relate to conservation, energy, infrastructure, sustainability, and socioeconomics.
National and international data on protected areas were gathered from peer-reviewed papers and public websites. For the international dataset, we used the World Database on Protected Areas (WDPA;
ProtectedPlanet 2022), which is the most up-to-date and complete source of data on protected areas and other effective area-based conservation measures (OECMs), updated monthly with submissions from governments, non-governmental organizations, landowners, and communities. For Canada, we used the Canadian Protected and Conserved Areas Database, which contains the most up-to-date spatial and attribute data on marine and terrestrial protected areas and OECMs in Canada (
Environment and Climate Change Canada 2022). It is compiled and managed by Environment and Climate Change Canada, in collaboration with federal, provincial, and territorial jurisdictions.
3. A brief history of conservation and Indigenous Peoples: from colonization to collaboration
The conservation movement, in Canada and globally, has been shaped by settler colonialism (
Claperton 2013). Protected areas, including parks and preserves, have been the most important tool of nature conservation since the late 19th century (
Höhler et al. 2012). In 1872, Yellowstone National Park, in the United States, was the first area to be designated a national park anywhere in the world. Since then, the idea of “confining nature to a park” has been transferred to a wide and diverse range of political, social, and ecological settings (
Höhler et al. 2012). Protected areas have conventionally been centered on the protection of the natural environment and the privilege of non-Indigenous Peoples to access the aesthetic benefits of nature as well as the recreational opportunities of engaging with untouched “Nature” promised by the concept of wilderness (
Colchester 2004;
Heichler and Baumeister 2021). The American model of nature conservation based on Indigenous exclusion and land expropriation was then rapidly exported to many parts of the planet (
Colchester 2004;
Claperton 2013;
Dominguez and Luoma 2020). The history of Banff National Park, created in 1885 as the first National Park in Canada, and its current position as a world-tourism destination, are symbolic of this history of exclusion and discrimination (
Binnema and Niemi 2006;
Parks Canada 2022;
Fig. 1).
This separation of Indigenous Peoples from their natural environments, as well as the erasure of Indigenous cultures and ways of living adapted to these places and replaced by western culture (e.g., renaming of mountains and rivers after colonial figures), was a crucial component of colonization (
Adams and Mulligan 2012;
Gray and Rück 2019). At the same time conservation efforts were made, treaties were violated, discrimination and racism increased, and cultural assimilation was common practice (
Claperton 2013). Canada's conservation system, as a result, typically only recognizes federal, provincial, and territorially legislated protected areas, and Indigenous contributions and leadership have largely gone unacknowledged (
Sandlos 2014) .
Over the past 20 years, however, the process of decolonization in the establishment and management of protected and conserved areas has begun to emerge (
Stevens 2014;
Moore 2020). Greater efforts to promote Indigenous participation in conservation planning and decision-making began in the 2000s at the same time as Aichi targets were being developed to promote biodiversity conservation and increase protected areas globally (
Convention on Biological Diversity 2020a). For example, Aichi Target 1 states: “by 2020, at the latest, people are aware of the values of biodiversity and the steps they can take to conserve and use it sustainably” and Target 11 states that “by 2020, at least 17% of terrestrial areas and inland water, and 10% of coastal and marine areas…” would be protected. Although Target 11 of the Aichi Targets formally initiated the work on IPCAs in Canada, there are other Targets that support this work (
Zurba et al. 2019;
Convention on Biological Diversity 2020a,
2020b). For example, Targets 14 and 18 state that supporting ecosystems includes social outcomes that are part of the ecosystem, such as health and well-being, and accounting for the needs of Indigenous knowledge and leadership in conservation.
Convention on Biological Diversity 2020a). Despite ongoing conservation efforts, none of the Aichi Targets have been fully achieved in Canada and around the world, for a variety of reasons, including unavailability of data, insufficient funding, and misguided governance and policies (
Xu et al. 2021). In Canada, the methodology to map and identify key areas providing ecosystem services to inform conservation planning at the national scale was lacking until very recently (
Mitchell et al. 2021). Furthermore, implementing these goals in collaboration with Indigenous Peoples has been a lengthy and challenging process given the lack of an appropriate framework governing the identification and planning of protected areas as well as the lack of formal recognition of Indigenous stewardship for conservation in Canadian policy (
Coristine et al. 2018;
Convention on Biological Diversity 2020b).
4. The emergence of IPCAs: concept, opportunities, and challenges
Since 2007, the UNDRIP (Article 29) states that “Indigenous Peoples have the right to the conservation and protection of the environment and the productive capacity of their lands or territories and resources. States shall establish and implement assistance programmes for Indigenous Peoples for such conservation and protection, without discrimination” (
United Nations 2008). This shift from prior approaches that ignored Indigenous Peoples was therefore a major step in awaking Indigenous leadership to advance Indigenous-led conservation, especially in Canada (
Marshall No'kmaq et al. 2021).
In Canada, Indigenous-led conservation has gained momentum recently, driven by the growing leadership of Indigenous communities and Indigenous scholars, the TRC, and Canada's commitment to the CBD Biodiversity Goals. In 2017, the Indigenous Circle of Experts (ICE) for The Pathway to Target 1 was established in four regions across Canada and included contributions from Indigenous government representatives and Elders and from a range of land use practitioners (
Indigenous Circle of Experts 2018). The ICE was created to define and promote IPCAs in an effort to recognize Indigenous knowledge systems as a binding framework in which to make conservation decisions for land and water (Fig.2). IPCAs are defined as “lands and waters where Indigenous governments have the primary role in protecting and conserving ecosystems through Indigenous laws, governance and knowledge systems" (
Indigenous Circle of Experts 2018). IPCAs also aim to fill multiple gaps that are parallel to conservation goals such as respect and restoration of Indigenous language and the practice of ceremony for cultural purposes; the need to recognize and address decolonization as well as the wrongs of the past and present in terms of parks management and protected areas (
Moola and Roth 2019;
Moore 2020); recognize the interrelationships between the people, water, and land; and create collaboration, learning, and sharing across the Indigenous and Western cultures (
Fig. 2;
Tran et al. 2020).
IPCAs are also intended to elevate conservation from an Indigenous Peoples’ perspective and to re-establish Indigenous systems and knowledge that were historically not respected and sometimes criminalized (
Fig. 2;
Indigenous Circle of Experts 2018). As a result, IPCAs can also serve as an opportunity for reconciliation between Indigenous and settler or non-Indigenous Peoples. Reconciliation, as defined by the TRC, is “an ongoing process of establishing and maintaining respectful relationships” and is a critical part of repairing trust that revitalizes Indigenous culture, law, and legal traditions and results in “demonstrated real societal change” for Indigenous peoples (
Government of Canada 2015). Indigenous voices are diverse, and Nations can choose how they define reconciliation, but typically it involves recognizing what has not worked in the past and remediating the past between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Peoples, based on principals of inclusiveness, resurgence, and self-determination (
Gaudry and Lorenz 2018;
Artelle et al. 2019). The principle of resurgence is central to the advancement of IPCAs, as it generally refers to Indigenous Peoples re-establishing, restoring, and advocating their knowledge, teachings, languages, practices, histories, and/or other aspects of their way of life and their culture by themselves and for themselves, without the approval or supervision of Western culture or authorities (
Simpson 2011;
Artelle et al. 2019). Indigenous Peoples, however, are not homogenous, and there is not a “pan-Indigenous” or one-size-fits-all approach to conservation; thus, self-determination needs to respect the full diversity of Indigenous Peoples knowledge and legal traditions (
Schmidt and Peterson 2009).
The opportunities for Indigenous-led conservation are significant globally. According to
Garnett et al. (2018), Indigenous Peoples have tenure rights or are managing more than 38 million km
2 of land located in 87 different countries. This represents more than 25% of the world's land mass and intersects with approximately 40% of all intact landscapes and terrestrial protected areas. Approximately 20% of the Indigenous lands are within protected areas, and these Indigenous lands represent a higher proportion of protected land than other protected land types. Also, 67% of Indigenous lands are classified as natural landscapes compared with 44% of other lands. With a large overlap of Indigenous and protected lands worldwide, Indigenous Peoples can play an essential role in meeting global conservation goals (
Garnett et al. 2018) .
With one of the largest landmasses and a disproportionate coverage of intact ecosystems, Canada can make a significant contribution to biodiversity commitments (
Coristine et al. 2018), as remaining intact areas play an increasingly important role against the effects of climate change and human-made landscape degradation (
Watson et al. 2018). In Canada, the potential of Indigenous conservation is particularly important in the North, where state-recognized Indigenous lands overlap largely with intact forest and intact ecological areas, as described in
Artelle et al. (2019). Many Indigenous-led conservation projects are now being developed in the south, adjacent to or overlapping with resource extraction areas, like the Bistcho Lake project developed by Dene Tha' First Nation in Northern Alberta. Yet, Canada is lagging behind when compared to other countries (
Fig. 3). For example, relative to other larger countries such as the United States (13%), Australia (20.4%), and Brazil (30.3%), Canada has the smallest percentage of terrestrial protected areas (11.9%) of its total land area as reported to the WDPA. Also, Canada is significantly lagging behind Australia and Brazil in terms of the percentage of Indigenous-led protected land relative to the total land area protected. Brazil has reported 42.82% and Australia has reported 47.23%, while Canada has reported less than 0.48% and the United States has reported 0.03% (
Fig. 3; Supplement 2).
Although protected areas are relatively well distributed amongst the provinces and territories, current IPCAs are exclusively located in the province of British Columbia (BC) and the Northwest Territories (NT) (
Fig. 4). Since 2018, three terrestrial IPCAs have been formally established and recognized under the
Protected Area Act, all located in the Northwest Territories, and include: Saoyú-ʔehdacho, Thaidene Nëné, and Ts'udé Nilįné Tueyata for a total of 24,715 km
2 (
Government of the Northwest Territories 2022). Other examples of IPCAs include Tla-o-qui-aht Tribal Park and other Indigenous cultural and conservation landscapes in British Columbia. For international reporting, Canada has three Indigenous-governed areas that have been formally reported to the WDPA for the Aichi Target 1. As of May 2022, the three Indigenous-governed areas reported are all terrestrial and include the Wehexlaxodıale (976.8 km
2) in the Northwest Territories, the Ni'iinlii Njik (140.94 km
2) and the Van Tat K'atr'anahtii (3947.03 km
2), both located in Yukon, for a total of 5064.77 km
2 (Supplement 2). The discrepancies between national and international reporting suggest that current IPCAs are incorrectly reported. Indeed, reporting the three IPCAs in the Northwest Territories alone will bring the total of Indigenous-led protected areas to 2% of the total of terrestrial protected areas in Canada. Note that this article only reports terrestrial protected areas and therefore does not consider maritime protected areas such as Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve in British Columbia, which represents a success story (still imperfect) of co-management and Indigenous-led conservation initiatives in Canada (
Thomlinson and Crouch 2012).
IPCAs still face many challenges, mainly due to the lack of a national legal framework and inconsistencies in designation, reporting, and monitoring. For example, there are no mandatory reporting requirements for Indigenous conservation initiatives, and as such, each country designates and reports based on its own understanding, which results in inconsistent reporting (
Lemieux et al. 2019). Therefore, IPCAs are often not identified and reported as such but rather included among the OECMs, which is the designation for areas that are achieving effective in situ conservation of biodiversity outside of protected areas. In Canada, the federal, provincial, and territorial governments self-report on their conservation progress to the Canadian Council on Ecological Areas (CCEA), where the information is then entered into the CARTS database (
MacKinnon et al. 2015). For example, some provinces and territories report on private land conservation, while others do not, and some report on Indigenous-led conservation, whereas some jurisdictions do not distinguish between Indigenous and non-Indigenous (
Zurba et al. 2019). To date, the jurisdictions reporting to CCEA are not audited for consistency, and standardization is recommended for reporting bodies (
MacKinnon et al. 2015;
Lemieux et al. 2019). Some of the Indigenous communities that would report on conserved areas or IPCAs lack resources and/or capacity to carry out the required reporting, and thus support should be provided to not only meet the reporting requirements but also to support self-reporting for self-determination reasons for Indigenous Peoples (
Singleton 2009;
Zurba et al. 2019). Also, there could be some issues in terms of how Indigenous Peoples report on conservation initiatives that utilize traditional knowledge, as the western and Indigenous reporting approaches can differ significantly (
Zurba et al. 2019).
This variation in national and global reporting could be attributed to a lack of certainty in legal land ownership for Indigenous People across Canadian provinces and territories (
Zurba et al. 2019). For example, in most of Canada, there are historic treaties with Indigenous Peoples; however, in most areas of British Columbia, there are no undersigned treaties (
Jones et al. 2010). Likewise, in the Arctic, modern land claim agreements may encourage more Indigenous-led land-use planning and conservation activities (
Lloyd-Smith 2017). Areas with historic treaties may have fewer incentives to enter into collaborative agreements with the provincial or federal government as it may conflict with Ministerial authorities (
Jones et al. 2010;
Zurba et al. 2019). However, treaties, when enacted, were intended to be living documents that would evolve over time and support Indigenous Peoples in governing their traditional territories according to cultural values (
Poezler and Coates 2015). The Northwest Territories have created new legislation that supports more collaboration and cooperation for wildlife management at the territorial, regional, and local levels (
Government of Northwest Territories 2022). The Canadian Government may also create incentives to contain Indigenous-led conservation areas within the boundaries of current Indigenous land claims and treaties, as it may be more problematic to share or devolve power in other new land areas (
Wilson et al. 2012;
Zurba et al. 2019). However, flexibility for agreements should be made between Indigenous nations, as there may be openness to collaborative conservation efforts and shared leadership.