Did the COVID-19 pandemic disrupt food security in West African rural communities? Survey results from four regions of Senegal and Burkina Faso
Abstract
Transboundary rural communities in West Africa play an important role in the exchange of goods, mainly food, among countries. The COVID-19 pandemic restricted these activities due to the closure of the borders. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in two regions of Senegal and Burkina Faso to examine the impacts of these restrictions on the pillars (availability, access, utilization, and stability) of food security in rural areas on men and women. The data set included 230 interviews, and they were analyzed through thematic content analysis. The results showed a decrease in agricultural production in all the communities due to mainly lack of labor force, and limited access to inputs, resulting in increased post-harvest losses. The disruption of trade and border and market closures affected rural families engaged in transboundary trade. Farmers experienced a sharp loss of household income leading to debts and decapitalization. Availability and diversity of and access to food was also heavily affected. Food security greatly varied among the communities and between countries. Perceptions also varied between men and women in terms of production, mobility, and food consumption. The restriction measures have triggered a spiral of effects and responses seriously impacting long-term food security in already highly vulnerable countries.
Introduction
The COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated how vulnerable our current global system can be. In March 2020, when the World Health Organization (WHO) declared the severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2, thereof COVID-19) a pandemic, most countries reacted rapidly through sanitary measures and restrictions that included closures of markets, trade, borders, as well as lockdown and curfews. All these measures had impacts on social, environmental, and economic spheres of societies. Initially, most responses targeted the health care system as the number of cases dramatically increased and hospitalization cases became a serious issue. However, in developing countries, such as in West Africa, such measures have had consequences that have been more disastrous, especially on food system and security (Erokhin and Gao 2020).
Food security in West Africa remains very precarious. Even prior to the pandemic, food insecurity and low agricultural productivity in West Africa were difficult problems that could not be fixed through simple humanitarian aid (Sasson 2012). West Africa continues to have one the highest population growths in the world at 2.7% for the past 30 years (Hollinger and Staatz 2015). Considering that most people live in rural communities and from subsistence agriculture, economic wealth is limited, and this is reflected by the high percentage of people, especially children, who are malnourished (Sasson 2012). Food insecurity in such conditions reinforces gender inequality, and national policies have yet to be reformed to change the current imbalance between women and men in the agricultural sector, including issues of land tenure, market access, and credit (Akanle et al. 2017).
With the increased restriction measures due to the pandemic, it is expected that not only food security but also gender inequalities and even power relations between women and men can be affected. Vasseur et al. (2021, 2022) have examined the current literature and conclude that while this is a crucial aspect for the sustainability of any country, analysis of gender issues in developing countries regarding food security remains limited. Most data are either predictive or englobe both women and men when discussing food security without distinction of their roles and consequences as they commonly limit to the topic of crop production, income, and sometimes market (VanVolkenburg et al. 2022).
Food security is more complex than crop production and income. Four pillars are defined by the United Nations Food Agriculture Organization (FAO 2020). Food security can only be achieved when availability, access, utilization, and stability are ensured (FAO 2020). Women are involved in all four pillars of food security, which cannot always be said of men, especially when it comes to utilization, as women are generally responsible for feeding the family.
Vasseur et al. (2021) have shown that all four pillars of food security are affected when restriction measures are put in place. While during Ebola, measures were mainly local and affected a certain group of people, the measures taken during COVID-19 have been at national and regional levels and thereby has caused a much wider impact on populations. However, the studies cited in the review in the differences between rural and urban communities are not conclusive (Vasseur et al. 2021). The COVID-19 pandemic has had severe impact in some countries of West Africa due to the closure of the borders, mobility restrictions between regions and curfews imposed in several regions. For example, these sanitary measures greatly affect availability of inputs for farmers (e.g., seeds, fertilizers, and labor force), thus reducing crop production (e.g., for Ebola: Gunjal and Senahoun 2016; Gatiso et al. 2018; for COVID-19: Amare et al. 2021). During the initial stage of COVID-19, the closure of the borders and markets has increased food insecurity (Erokhin and Gao 2020). In some case, these effects are felt more severely in urban areas than in rural regions, as observed in Mali (Adjognon et al. 2020). However, much remains to be understood in terms of how the various measures may impact rural communities, specifically in West Africa, and how this impact is felt by women and men in those communities.
West Africa has always been vulnerable to food scarcity for decades. Burkina Faso and Senegal represent two countries that have had several challenges in this aspect and remain among the most vulnerable. Burkina Faso, especially, is a landlock country of over 20 million with over 85% of its population living in rural communities and living mainly from subsistence agriculture. With climate change, the country is already facing weather shocks with a reduction in precipitation of about 10% in 2019, possibly increasing the number of people in food insecurity by 10% (Sahel and West Africa Club Secretariat 2020). Climate variability combined with constant civil unrest and terrorism already explains the recurrent food crisis, but the COVID-19 pandemic has added an additional burden that further increase acute food insecurity.
Senegal experiences variable rate of food insecurity depending on the locations (urban vs. rural), social classes, and geography (southern and eastern regions being the most insecure) (Hathie et al. 2017). Limited road quality and transport infrastructure make some regions isolated and exacerbate food availability and quality. Low food diversity, especially in rural regions, results in child malnutrition with the highest rate of anemia (79%) among the African countries (Hathie et al. 2017). Like in Burkina Faso, climate change amplifies the challenge of food production and COVID-19 has added a new challenge due to closure of the markets and borders.
The objective of this paper was to better understand the challenges faced by rural men and women in Senegal and Burkina Faso during the first year of the pandemic in relation to the four pillars of food security, as a consequence of the sanitary measures implemented by their governments. The results of this study were based on semi-structured interviews conducted in four communities in both countries. This research was the first phase of a project that aimed to examine the impact of COVID-19 pandemic and the restriction measures that were put in placed in 2020 on food security in rural communities, focusing on gender issues and how the relations between women and men might have changed during this period as roles were most likely affected. This study served as a basis for the second step of this project, which was to engage these communities and other groups in participatory activities to better define possible solutions for future pandemics to reduce food insecurity with a greater understanding of a key role that women can play in responding to crises. This research project was funded by the International Development and Research Centre and implemented by the Centre d’études et de Cooperation Internationale based in Canada, in partnership with the Centre d’Études, de Documentation et de recherche Économique et Sociale in Burkina Faso, the École Nationale Supérieur d’Agriculture de Thiés in Senegal, and Brock University in Canada: “COVID-19, food security, and opportunities for reconfiguring unequal gender relations in Burkina Faso and Senegal”.
Method
Study areas
The study was conducted in four cross-border communities in Senegal and Burkina Faso. In Senegal, in the north, the areas involved are the departments of Dagana and Podor. In the department of Dagana, the study sites are located in the communes of Ross Béthio and Rosso Senegal. In Podor, the populations involved in the study are in the communes of Podor, Gamadji Saré, and Guédé Chantier. In the regions of Kolda and Sédhiou in the South, the departments concerned are Velingara and Bounkilling. In Velingara, the participants are from the commune of Dioabé–Kabendou. In the department of Bounkiling, the communes of Faoune, Senoba, and Diouroumé are involved (Fig. 1).
The Senegal River valley (northern Senegal) is an irrigated rice-growing basin. The main economic activities are irrigated agriculture, livestock, and national and cross-border trade (ANSD 2021a). The northern region borders Mauritania, where cross-border trade has developed particularly in food and electronic products, various types of furniture, and textile products. The main markets are those of Ross Béthio, Rosso Sénégal, Richard Toll, and Podor. Women are mainly involved in the trade of rice, various vegetables, textile products, and rice processing.
The commune of Dioabé–Kabendou (Vélingara, Kolda region), in southern Senegal, is home to the Anambé Valley, the most important irrigated rice-growing region in the south. It is home to the subregional market of Diaobé, which attracts people from Guinea Conakry and Guinea Bissau. The main economic activities are rainfed agriculture, irrigated and rainfed rice production, national and cross-border trade, and logging (ANSD 2021b, 2021c). The Sédhiou region borders Gambia, and this proximity favors cross-border exchanges between the populations. The main markets are those of Sénoba, Bounkilling, and Carrefour Diaroumé. The goods traded are basic foodstuffs, rice, oil and sugar, electronic devices, market garden produce, and spices. In Faoune, agricultural activities, trade, and processing are the main activities of men and women. The exploitation and sale of non-timber forest products are also widely practiced by women.
The Hauts-Bassins region is located in the west of Burkina Faso, bounded to the north by the Boucle du Mouhoun region, to the south by the Cascades region, to the east by the South–West region, and to the west by the Republic of Mali. In the Hauts-Bassins region, the study was conducted in four municipalities, located in the provinces of Houet and Kenedougou bordering Mali: Faramana, Dandé, Koloko, and Banzon. The Center-Sud region is bounded to the North by the Center region, to the East by the Center-East and Central Plateau regions, to the West by the Center-West region, and to the South by Ghana. The study in this region was conducted in five villages: Zecko, Ziou, Tangasgo, Guelwongo, and Dakola, all located in the border strip with Ghana.
Hauts-Bassins is one of the most productive regions in Burkina Faso, based on cereal (maize, sorghum, rice, and millet) and cotton production (INSD 2015; Barry et al. 2022). Crossed by both the Abidjan–Niamey highway and the Abidjan–Ouagadougou railroad, the Hauts-Bassins region occupies a favorable geographical position for trade. Bobo-Dioulasso, its capital, is a hub for trade in agricultural products with the rest of Burkina Faso on the one hand, and neighboring countries on the other.
Agricultural production in the Centre-Sud region mainly concerns maize, sorghum, and peanuts (INSD 2020; Barry et al. 2022). The main markets in Centre-Sud are Pô and Tiébélé. Cross-border trade is particularly important in this region, where peanuts and maize are sold in Ghana. Imported products from Ghana (vegetable, inputs, etc.) participate to the food security in Centre-Sud.
Surveys
Semi-structured interviews were carried out to understand the context and perspectives of men and women, who were farmers, traders, or leaders in their community, in regard to the pandemic, the measures that were taken to counter it and their impacts on the four pillars of food security, including market and cross-border trade. A special focus aimed to examine the differences between men and women. The survey was a priori approved by the Research Ethics Board at Brock University (#20-216-VASSEUR) following the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans—TCPS 2 of Canada since the other organizations did not have ethics committees. Interview participants were initially recruited by organisation to ensure a minimum of five persons per each group (farmer, traders, or leader) and sex (women and men). Additional participants were approached through snowball sampling where interviewees were able to suggest the names of other people (Handcock and Gile 2011).
The interviews were conducted in person in participants’ native language (Wolof, Pulaar, and Manding in Senegal; Dyula and Mooré in Burkina Faso) outside in their own place with distance maintained between the interviewee and the interviewer according to the COVID-19 safety protocol. The interviews were completed between March and May 2021. All interviews were audio-recorded, and immediately after the interview, transcribed from their original language into French. The semi-structured interview guide contained 10 questions (Supplementary Table S1). They highlighted the impact of the pandemic and the restriction measures on the four pillars of food security through a gender lens.
Thematic content analysis
A thematic content analysis (TCA) was applied to the transcribed interviews. TCA consists of dividing actors’ speech into units, assigning a category to the elements of the discourse, and then grouping them to form a classification by analogy, also called a thematic grid (Bardin 2013). TCA makes it possible to select and compare a very large number of textual data, and to facilitate discourse understanding (Miles et al. 2014). It helps to center the processing and analysis of interviews on the objectives and hypotheses of our study, leaving out irrelevant information. We used QDA Miner software (https://provalisresearch.com/products/qualitative-data-analysis-software/), specialized in qualitative data analysis, to assist us in performing TCA.
The analytical method was based on three steps, inspired by the work of Castleberry and Nolen (2018): the coding phase (Disassembling), the categorization phase (Reassembling), and the interpretation phase (Interpreting). The coding phase aimed to convert the actors’ discourses into several ideas to establish an identical reading framework for all interviews (Austin and Sutton 2014). Then, the categorization phase seeks to classify the codes into themes. The codes were selected and assembled to meet our research objectives (Braun and Clarke 2006). The themes were then grouped into dimensions, which relate to the four pillars of food security, i.e., availability, access, utilization, and stability. This phase leads to the development of a thematic grid, reassembling the concepts discussed in the interviews across several dimensions, divided in themes and subthemes (Castleberry and Nolen 2018).
Finally, the interpretation phase consisted of a dual analysis approach, both qualitative and quantitative (Bardin 2013). The qualitative approach examined the content of the thematic grid and the connections between the different themes based on verbatim. Selection of the relevant verbatims completed the qualitative analysis of the subthemes to better interpret and situate the issues that were most important for the respondents. The quantitative approach allowed for the analysis of the coding frequencies. We used the variable frequency analysis tool, offered by QDA Miner, to understand the differences in the impact of COVID on food security, between men and women, among the professions and among communities (Supplementary Table S2). However, due to the limited number of interviewees per the smallest categories (e.g., women farmers from South Senegal), it was not possible to do the analysis at this level. For example, 10 interviews were conducted with women farmers in North Senegal, which did not allow a reliable quantitative analysis. Therefore, this analysis was completed per country for women and men separately.
The analysis of co-occurrence was also applied to each defined dimension to underline the connections between the themes and subthemes. Co-occurrence (K)—calculated through the Jaccard’s index, highlighted the relationships among the most cited subthemes and was presented as the percentage of participants who mentioned two subthemes (Supplementary Table S3). This coefficient, first applied in ecology (Jaccard 1912), aims to “distinguish the depth of correlation between the different themes” (Tob-Ogu et al. 2018). In this case, the correlations informed us on the connections among the various subthemes and many are interconnected. The combination of these multiple analyses, i.e., the thematic grid analysis, the verbatim research, and co-occurrence and coding frequencies analysis offered by QDA Miner, contributed to the understanding of the impact of COVID on food security in our four cross-border communities in Senegal and Burkina Faso for both men and women.
Results
Interviewees’ characteristics
The surveys resulted in 230 semi-structured interviews (119 women and 111 men) carried out in the four cross-border communities in Senegal (n = 121) and Burkina Faso (n = 109). In each of these communities, there were between 5 and 15 people of each sex (men/women) and from the three professional categories: agricultural professions (farmers); traders (local traders, cross-border traders, and transformers); and community leaders (village chief, representative of community organizations, chairman of associations, State representative) (Table 1). It is important to specify that these categories refer to the main professions of the interviewees, but everyone could practice additional activities.
Table 1.
| Country | Community | Gender | Profession | TOTAL | TOTAL/community | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Farmer | Trader | Leader | |||||
| Senegal | North | Men | 16 | 10 | 3 | 29 | 60 |
| Women | 10 | 16 | 5 | 31 | |||
| South | Men | 17 | 9 | 6 | 32 | 61 | |
| Women | 11 | 14 | 4 | 29 | |||
| Burkina Faso | Hauts-Bassins | Men | 7 | 10 | 6 | 23 | 52 |
| Women | 10 | 14 | 5 | 29 | |||
| Centre-Sud | Men | 9 | 11 | 7 | 27 | 57 | |
| Women | 9 | 16 | 5 | 30 | |||
| TOTAL | 89 | 100 | 41 | 230 | |||
Interviewees are aware of the pandemic and the restriction measures
Most respondents learned about the existence of the disease and health restrictions through the radio (78.9% of Burkinabe) or radio and TV (77.7% of Senegalese). Direct exchanges with health workers and word-of-mouth were also important for information transfer in Burkina Faso (25.7% and 27.5% of Burkinabe respondents, compared to 10.7% and 16.5% of Senegalese). Senegalese (25.6%) used the internet to get information more than Burkinabe (3.7%).
Most people (215 respondents or 93.5%) knew about the sanitary measures, such as washing hands, wearing a mask, and social distancing. The prohibition of gatherings in markets, places of worship, and schools was mentioned by 75.7% of the participants. Only 11.7% of the respondents mentioned the curfew. Interviewed women (19.3%) mentioned that cleaning the house or kitchen was a health measure helping to fight against the disease (compared to 7.2% for men). Most respondents (70.2% in Senegal and 51.4% in Burkina Faso) knew that the health restrictions were implemented by their governments. Some respondents believed they were implemented by local health workers (8.3%) or the WHO (three respondents). In Burkina Faso, 18.3% of the respondents did not know who implemented the measures (against only one person in Senegal). Eight people stated that they knew people who did not believe in the existence of the disease. The health rules appeared to be particularly well respected, because only two people specify that they have not respected certain measures.
Among the respondents, only two had had COVID-19, four people had been sick but they were not sure—in absence of tests—and 15 knew someone who had had COVID-19 in their entourage. These results must be discussed according to the period in which the interviews were carried out, the health situation in each region, and the ability of respondents to access tests (Hammond et al. 2022). In our case, this meant about 1 year after the implementation of the restriction measures.
Food insecurity and disparities among sexes increased due to sanitary measures
Food availability
The Availability pillar brought together the themes of agricultural production (i.e., variation in crop production and livestock), field maintenance (e.g., lack of labor force and limited access to seeds, inputs, and tools), environmental conditions (characterized by bad weather, presence of animals, and diseases), and products (in markets or from import).
In all the communities, the decrease in agricultural production was the most cited impact of the pandemic on food availability. It was mentioned by 71.7% of all respondents, especially from agricultural producers (83.1%) (Table 2). The decline included production of cereals, vegetables, and livestock, and was linked first to limited access to inputs (fertilizers, herbicides, and livestock feed) as mentioned by 49.6% of the respondents (Table 2). More leaders (56.1%) than non-leaders mentioned the lack of inputs. Due to limited mobility, the lack of labor force to help in the field work was also mentioned (45.7%), mostly by local leaders (53.7%) and men (51.4%) (Table 2).
Table 2.
| Pillars | Themes | Percentage (%) of responses for each subtheme | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Availability | Production | 71.7 decrease | 20.4 livestock reduction | 3.5 change | ||||
| Limited field maintenance | 49.6 lack of inputs | 45.7 lack of labor forces | 16.1 lack of seeds | 11.3 lack of tools | ||||
| Environmental conditions | 13.9 bad weather | 7.4 pests/animals | 1.7 diseases | |||||
| Products | 47.4 unavailability | 33.9 post-harvest losses | ||||||
| Access | Market | 77.8 limited travel | 73.9 attendance decline | 69.1 closure | 6.1 police conflict | 3.0 focus on local market | ||
| Selling and buying | 85.2 trade decline | 82.2 income loss | 17.8 intermediary sale | 5.7 door-to-door sale | ||||
| Cross-border exchanges | 54.3 border closure | 53.9 exchanges decrease | 14.3 illegal crossing | 14.3 negotiation with the police | ||||
| Spending | 48.3 inability to buy food | 12.2 decrease in financial reserves | 7.8 indebtedness | 5.7 increase in health | 5.7 inability to pay school | 2.6 inability to pay health fees | ||
| Food | 46.5 limited access to condiments | 45.7 limited access to food | 4.3 limited access to water | |||||
| Utilization | Transformation | 7.4 restricted access | 5.7 limited mutual aid | |||||
| Meal preparation | 24.3 reinforced cleaning | 4.8 distanced meals | 3.9 absence of shared meals | |||||
| Meal composition | 43.0 quantity decrease | 40.9 quality decrease | 35.7 frequency decrease | 20.4 no change | ||||
| Stability | Price | 69.1 increase | 37.4 decrease | |||||
| Within family conditions | 46.5 mutual aid | 30.0 conflict | 13.9 respect of sanitary measures | 9.6 lack of food | 9.6 lack of money | 3.5 lack of privacy | 1.3 respect of decisions | |
| Family mutual aid | 13.0 household chores | 9.6 farm chores | 8.3 finance | 6.1 food search | 3.9 lack of | 1.3 trade chores | ||
| Community support | 12.2 women groups | 10.0 sensibilization | 7.8 mutual aid | |||||
| Government aid | 31.7 lack of | 25.7 food aid | 4.8 money aid | 1.3 agricultural aid | 0.4 medications | |||
Note: Subthemes were coded from the interviews, then reassembled in themes and dimensions. Each subtheme is followed by the percentage of respondents who mentioned this subtheme.
Men were more involved by agricultural production: 75.7% of them mentioned a decrease in production (against 68.1% of women), 51.4% the lack of labor force (against 40.3% of women), and 55.9% the lack of inputs (against 43.7% of women). However, it is worth noting that men and women practiced different types of agriculture. Men were mostly responsible of important exploitation, with an access to workers, inputs, seeds, and tools. While women were confined to small fields, mainly destined to a subsistence production and gardening, without access to tools or labor force (FAO 2011). Although men were more affected by the implementation of sanitary measures, it is essential to consider gender disparities in basic agricultural practices. Most women already had a lack of means (infrastructure, tools, inputs, labor force, and funding) before the pandemic. As a woman farmer from South Senegal said:
What we prefer to have as support is that the State can provide us with mills, tractors to cultivate in our fields. For our market gardening too, if we could irrigate our gardens, that would greatly simplify the work. (Woman farmer – South Senegal) [translation from French, E.Q.]
After the reduction in agricultural production, post-harvest losses were particularly an issue for 33.9% of all respondents. The loss of livestock was also mentioned by 20.4% of all respondents overall, mainly related to the sale of livestock to cover financial needs. Unavailability of products as the consequence of decrease in production (coming from agriculture) and imports (unavailability in markets) was mentioned by 47.4% of all respondents. The inability to sell those perishable products was linked to the lack of access to storage capacity, markets, and transportation reducing availability of food in markets, as stated by a man farmer from North Senegal:
We who are in onion production had a problem with the flow of our products because we no longer had the possibility of selling in other areas with the closure of the weekly markets and the state of emergency. We also had a big problem with transportation. (Man farmer – North Senegal) [translation from French, E.Q.]
The analysis of co-occurrence of these Availability variables showed that the decrease in agricultural production was effectively associated with the lack of labor force (K = 0.475) and limited access to inputs (K = 0.484, Table 3). Limited access to seeds and agricultural tools, and poor environmental conditions (bad weather, presence of insects and animals, and diseases) were considered less important in the explanation of this decrease (K < 0.202) than these two factors (Table 3). As stated by a man producer in South Senegal:
Table 3.
| Pillars | Availability | Access | Utilization | Stability | ||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Themes | Decrease in production | Lack of labor forces | Limited access to inputs | Unavailability | Market closure | Decrease in attendance | Difficulty in traveling | Decrease in trade | Loss of income | Inability to buy food | Decrease in quantity | Decrease in frequency | Decrease in quality | Price increase | Price decrease | |
| Availability | Decrease in production | 1.00 | ||||||||||||||
| Lack of labor forces | 0.48 | 1.00 | ||||||||||||||
| Limited access to inputs | 0.48 | 0.41 | 1.00 | |||||||||||||
| Unavailability | 0.45 | 0.34 | 0.31 | 1.00 | ||||||||||||
| Access | Market closure | 0.58 | 0.42 | 0.41 | 0.45 | 1.00 | ||||||||||
| Decrease in attendance | 0.63 | 0.39 | 0.48 | 0.44 | 0.61 | 1.00 | ||||||||||
| Difficulty in traveling | 0.60 | 0.43 | 0.44 | 0.45 | 0.59 | 0.62 | 1.00 | |||||||||
| Decrease in trade | 0.66 | 0.47 | 0.48 | 0.47 | 0.66 | 0.71 | 0.71 | 1.00 | ||||||||
| Loss of income | 0.67 | 0.42 | 0.51 | 0.47 | 0.61 | 0.70 | 0.74 | 0.76 | 1.00 | |||||||
| Inability to buy food | 0.46 | 0.33 | 0.42 | 0.33 | 0.39 | 0.52 | 0.42 | 0.49 | 0.49 | 1.00 | ||||||
| Utilization | Decrease in quantity | 0.40 | 0.29 | 0.31 | 0.39 | 0.41 | 0.41 | 0.42 | 0.43 | 0.46 | 0.38 | 1.00 | ||||
| Decrease in frequency | 0.35 | 0.25 | 0.34 | 0.28 | 0.31 | 0.40 | 0.35 | 0.36 | 0.38 | 0.35 | 0.34 | 1.00 | ||||
| Decrease in quality | 0.39 | 0.25 | 0.37 | 0.36 | 0.38 | 0.39 | 0.40 | 0.37 | 0.43 | 0.38 | 0.41 | 0.33 | 1.00 | |||
| Stability | Price increase | 0.57 | 0.36 | 0.48 | 0.43 | 0.54 | 0.57 | 0.62 | 0.64 | 0.63 | 0.45 | 0.43 | 0.35 | 0.38 | 1.00 | |
| Price decrease | 0.36 | 0.26 | 0.34 | 0.28 | 0.35 | 0.40 | 0.40 | 0.36 | 0.42 | 0.26 | 0.29 | 0.28 | 0.31 | 0.29 | 1.00 | |
Note: K corresponds to the percentage of respondents who mentioned two subthemes. For example, K between Decrease in production and Loss of products is equal to 0.45, which means that 45% of respondents who mentioned Decrease in production or Loss of products, mentioned both subthemes. The closer K is to 1, the stronger the relationship between subthemes is.
Before the pandemic, for one hectare I harvest 20 bags of 50 kilograms of peanuts, during the pandemic I had eight bags because there was no manpower who could help me in the fields. For millet and maize, I had ten bags before pandemic and five bags during pandemic. (Man producer – South Senegal) [translation from French, E.Q.]
Difficulties in accessing inputs was related to the closure of the borders, the increase in the prices and the unavailability of imported products (K = 0.476, Table 3). A woman producer from Hauts-Bassins (Burkina Faso) specified:
Yes, we had difficulty getting fertilizer because those who easily received fertilizer before were the cotton growers but since the disease started this has changed everything, which has led a lot of growers to stop cotton production because men were going to Mali to buy fertilizer at high prices now. (Woman producer – Hauts-Bassins, Burkina Faso) [translation from French, E.Q.]
Access
The Access pillar was addressed through the themes of market access, selling, and buying, spending, and access to food. Market closure, decrease in attendance1 and travel difficulties were the most mentioned subthemes (Table 2). Decrease in trade and loss of income are also cited by most respondents. Some mentioned other selling techniques such as selling through an intermediary (17.8%) or door-to-door sale (5.7%). In the spending theme, inability to buy food was the most cited responses (48.3%), with limited access to food (45.7%) and condiments (48.3%) most mentioned.
Decrease in trading activities was reported by 85.2% of the participants (Table 2). This reduction was mentioned by producers (84.3% of producers questioned) as well as for traders (88%, Fig. 2). Market closure (mentioned by 69.1% of all respondents, Table 2) was considered one of the most restrictive measures put in place by the Burkinabe and Senegalese governments, as it was generalized to all markets (local, regional and national), and it can concern daily or weekly markets. A woman producer from North Senegal explained:
Fig. 1.
Fig. 2.
Fig. 3.
As I said earlier, it was easier to sell production before the pandemic. If the production exceeded the local market, it was taken to other localities. It all ended with the onset of the pandemic. We closed the cattle market, the weekly markets. The shops and restaurants where our chickens were sold have been closed. This situation makes things difficult. (Woman producer – North Senegal) [translation from French, E.Q.]
The closure of markets, especially during curfews, generated clashes with the police (mentioned by 6.1% of the respondents, Table 2). A verbatim extracted from an interview with a woman trader in Centre-Sud (Burkina Faso) stated a disparity between men and women with the police:
If, for example, the woman is arrested, it is serious because she has to come home to take care of the children. Whereas when we arrest the man, even if we hold him there all day. it has no consequences. But if it's the woman, she can’t stay outside for long, she has to give them money to be able to pass. (Woman trader – Centre-Sud, Burkina Faso) [translation from French, E.Q.]
Travel limitation was mentioned by 77.8% of the respondents (Table 2), and this was strongly linked to the decrease in trade (K = 0.705, Table 3). The drop in market attendance (mentioned by 73.9% of all respondents, Table 2) is a direct consequence of the difficulty of travel. This drop affected both sellers and buyers. As mentioned by a man trader from Centre-Sud (Burkina Faso):
You know that if you bring your products and are able to sell everything you don’t have a problem with the transport [laughter] yeah but when you cannot sell all [pause] it's a problem! If you sell all your products, the price of transport is no longer a problem for you. (Man trader – Centre-Sud, Burkina Faso) [translation from French, E.Q.]
The main consequence of the decrease in trade was the loss of income, mentioned by 82.2% of the respondents, with the co-occurrence between the loss of income and the decrease in trade (K = 0.758) and in cross-border exchanges (K = 0.498) (Table 3). The decrease in income affected all communities and all categories of actors. A woman trader from Hauts-Bassins in Burkina Faso specified:
We don’t win. There is no money, there is poverty. If you don’t have the money, what are you going to buy with? Nothing. (Woman trader – Hauts-Bassins, Burkina Faso) [translation from French, E.Q.]
The loss of income, associated with the decline in agricultural production and trade, as well as rising prices and unavailability of products reduced access to food. The inability to buy food is mentioned by 48.3% of the respondents. Agyei et al. (2021) report that average food inflation during the first 7 months of the lockdown rises to 7.13%, confirming the responses of the interviewees. According to our results, food insecurity caused by sanitary measures mainly affected women in their ability to access food products as 52.9% of them mentioned the inability to buy food (against 43.2% of men), 52.9% the limited access to condiments (against 39.6% of men), and 53.8% the limited access to food (against 36.9% of men). Co-occurrence (K) between loss of income, rising prices, and difficulty accessing food (subthemes: “Inability to buy food”, “Limited access to condiments”, and “Limited access to food”) was greater than 0.410 (Table 3). As stated by a woman farmer from South Senegal, hard-to-access food items (financial and physical access), including oil, meat and fish, vegetables, or rice, affected the quality of the meals:
No, some ingredients like oil are no longer accessible because you don’t have the money to buy them. You can’t go to the markets to buy the ingredients, you just cook what you have at home. As a result, the quality of the meals has changed. (Woman farmer – South Senegal) [translation from French, E.Q.]
In the face of limited access to food, caused by decrease in trade and income, some respondents mentioned that they tried to mitigate the impact by calling on intermediaries (“Bana-banas”) to deliver their products to buyers (Table 2). However, this solution to overcome the markets closure and the difficulty to travel brought uncertainties:
We didn't even see people coming to buy it. You have to put your production on a truck and deliver it to someone in Dakar. You don’t even get in that truck. And when the latter has finished selling, he sends you your money (Man Trader – North Senegal) [translation from French, E.Q.]
A few respondents (3% of all respondents, Table 2) specified the importance placed on local production and trade to allow them access to food, during and after the pandemic. As a man leader from North Senegal said, pandemic and restrictive measures highlighted the importance of food sovereignty for the local communities:
That is to say that the Covid has made us aware of the issue of food sovereignty. How to consume what we produce because it is a shock. This shock showed us that there is a need to work to satisfy local consumption from local production. This really, the peasant organizations are working on it and even individuals and families are aware of this. We hope that in relation to this situation, people will take more head on everything that is the question of local consumption so that this issue can be settled definitively. In any case, this is a great opportunity for people to be sensitive to this issue as well for food. Well, maybe we can’t regulate everything straight away, but we can regulate the important part of consumption. It awakened awareness of this need. (Man leader – North Senegal) [translation from French, E.Q.]
1
Decrease in attendance concerns both traders and consumers.
Utilization
The frequencies of responses for each community, men and women, and professions for most subthemes of the Utilization pillar were very low compared to the other themes. Utilization pillar included the themes of transformation, meal preparation, and meal composition (Table 2) with 31.9% of women mentioning the need to reinforce kitchen cleaning against 16.2% of men. A woman leader from Centre-Sud in Burkina Faso explained:
When the disease has come, when we wake up, we wash the dishes well, we clean the whole house, let everything be clean and then we cook the food. When it comes to eating, everyone washes their hands with soap, and then we eat. (Woman leader – Centre Sud, Burkina Faso) [translation from French, E.Q.]
Only 7.4% of all respondents mentioned a limited access to the mill and 5.7% mentioned a decrease of mutual aid during the transformation process, traditionally performed by women (Table 2).
It’s complicated to go to the machine [mill] since everyone is talking about the disease there. We all stay outside and take turns entering according to the order of arrival. (Woman Trader - Centre-Sud, Burkina Faso) [translation from French, E.Q.]
The inability to buy food, and limited access to condiments and food, affected the diet of people and meal composition. Decrease in food quantity and quality, as well as meal frequency were of major concerns. Close to half of the respondents (43%) mentioned a reduction in the quantity of meals (Table 2), with large disparities between sexes, as 49.6% of women stated a decrease in quantity of food during the meal (against 36% of men), and 41.2% a decrease in meal frequency (against 29.7% of men). However, 27% of men mentioned no change in the meal composition against 14.3% of women. This has been previously reported in other studies that, in general, in case of crises, women will reduce their own consumption, not necessarily composition, to protect the rest of the family (VanVolkenburg et al. 2022). A woman trader from Centre-Sud of Burkina Faso specified:
That before then, we had enough to eat and there was always more to keep. But now we can manage because there are no more. That if you take everything to prepare, with a full pot to consume morning, noon and evening, that will not be enough. Now, if we eat twice a day, it’s good. Before then, we could eat 3 times a day, in the morning, at noon and in the evening. But now we've canceled breakfast. (Woman trader – Centre-Sud, Burkina Faso) [translation from French, E.Q.]
Respondents in both countries who mentioned no changes in their diet did not experience a lack of access to food and condiments (K < 0.70, Table 3), but they only represented 20.4% of the respondents (Table 2). The decrease in the quantity, frequency, and quality of meals was related to the inability to access food and condiments (K > 0.346, Table 3).
Stability
The Stability pillar included the themes related to price dynamics, where 69% stated an increase, while 37% mentioned a decrease (Table 2). Traders (75%, against 66.3% for producers and 61% for leaders, Fig. 2) mentioned price increase the most, and 71.4% of women (against 66.7% of men). As Agyei et al. (2021) show with a model approach on the food price dynamics in sub-Saharan Africa countries, price increase is major but not generalized to all products. Responses varied depending on the characteristics of goods and services, affecting the stability of the food security Senegal and Burkina Faso. The price increase was associated with the product’s unavailability (K = 0.426), decrease in agricultural production (K = 0.565), border closure (K = 0.495), and decrease in cross-border trade (K = 0.482, Table 3). Products affected by this increase were mainly due to limited transportation capacity. For example, a woman trader from Centre-Sud (Burkina Faso) highlighted the increase in the price of transport:
Transport has become difficult since there are not many vehicles left to go to Ouaga. Before we paid 2000 CFA, today it has become 3000 f CFA, 3500 f CFA [1000 f CFA represent approx. $2.00 CAD]. (Woman trader – Centre-Sud, Burkina Faso) [translation from French, E.Q.]
Another woman producer from the same community talked about the increase in the price of food:
Last year, red sorghum was sold at 250 f CFA per dish [about 3 kg], this year it is 600 francs, it is because there is no food that it goes up. (Woman farmer – Centre-Sud, Burkina Faso) [translation from French, E.Q.] – (note: red sorghum is/is not produced in this community)
Respondents who mentioned a decrease of prices were mainly producers (48.3%, against 32% for traders and 26.8% for leaders) (Fig. 2). The products affected by the fall in prices were generally those produced locally for sale in cities or cross-border trade. With the lack of transport and marketing possibilities, large quantities ended up in the local markets, but with few buyers. As stated by a woman farmer from North Senegal:
The coronavirus turned everything upside down with the measures and restrictions, product sales had become very difficult, for example a product that cost 500f CFA could be sold for 100f CFA. Vendors were crying because they couldn’t see buyers and the markets were closed. (Woman Farmer – North Senegal) [translation from French, E.Q.]
In this difficult sanitary context and in the face of the restrictive measures applied, under the subtheme support, some disagreements within couples were mentioned with 30% of the respondents stating a misunderstanding within the family compared to 46.5% having an understanding (Table 2). Some women also saw a positive side to the restriction measures, as husbands spent more time at home with the children. As a woman trader from North Senegal explained:
Yes, this change is positive because even s the husband did not stay at home very often, now he stays at home and you can talk to each other. It’s good for the heart and even for the children, it's good to discuss with them because it allows you to have affinities with your loved ones and that’s a good thing. (Woman trader – North Senegal) [translation from French, E.Q.]
Among the disagreement factors put forward by the participants, lack of food (9.6% of all respondents) and money (9.6%), and the non-respect of sanitary instructions (13.9%) were the most common reasons for disagreement (Table 2). A man trader from Hauts-Bassins in Burkina Faso mentioned:
There is the problem of money the food you could have if you come and say you didn’have it, there are women who don’t believe when you say there isn't. There is dispute at this level. (Man trader – Hauts-Bassins, Burkina Faso) [translation from French, E.Q.]
Lack of governmental aid was mentioned by 31.7% of all respondents. Less than 5% of all respondents mentioned that they received a financial aid from their government, and less than 2% received agricultural products (input, seed, or workers), but 25.7% declared receiving a food aid (Table 2).
Disparities among communities affect food security
Our research highlights multiple differences among the communities. In Hauts-Bassins (Burkina Faso), respondents were the most affected by the limited access to inputs (69.2%) and the limited access to condiments (61.5%). However, unavailable products were not mainly mentioned in Hauts-Bassins in Burkina Faso (21.2%, against 47.4% of all respondents). In the other Burkinabe’s community (Centre-Sud), the food insecurity caused by the sanitary measures was important where 82.5% of respondents in Centre-Sud mentioned a decrease in agricultural production (against 71.7% of all respondents). Trading was also affected: 91.2% of the participants in Centre-Sud mentioned a decrease in trade and 73.7% a decrease in cross-border exchanges. Compared to all respondents, Centre-Sud (Burkina Faso) was particularly affected by the inability to buy food (70.2%, against 48.3% of all respondents) and the decrease in quantity in the meal composition (54.4%, against 43% of all respondents). Conversely, only 12.3% in Centre-Sud mentioned no changes in the meal composition (against 20.4% of all respondents). Finally, it was also in Centre-Sud (Burkina Faso) that the most of respondents specified a misunderstanding within family during the pandemic (47.4%, against 30% of all respondents).
Sanitary measures effected the labor force (63.3%) and capacity to travel (91.7%) in North Senegal. It consequently affected the post-harvest losses that is mentioned by 61.7% of the respondents in this community (against 33.9% of all respondents). Nonetheless, food utilization and stability were partially affected in North Senegal. To illustrate, 40% mentioned limited access to condiments (against 46.5% of all respondents), 35% limited access to food (against 45.7% of all respondents), 30% decrease in quantity, 25% decrease in frequency in meal composition (against 43% and 35.7% of all respondents), and 35% mentioned no changes in meal composition (against 20.4% of all respondents). Understanding within the family was also better in North Senegal than in the other communities. Only 11.7% of the respondents mentioned a misunderstanding and 55% an understanding within the family (against 30% and 46.5% of all respondents). In South Senegal, while participants have not been affected by the lack of labor force (24.6%, against 45.7% of all respondents) and inputs (27.9%, against 49.6% of all respondents), their food utilization was insecure, especially in the meal composition, and 55.7% of the respondents in South Senegal mentioned a decrease in quantity (against 43% of all respondents), 55.7% mentioned a decrease in quality (against 40.9% of all respondents), and 11.5% mentioned no changes in their meal composition (against 20.4% of all respondents).
The four pillars of food security were affected by the sanitary measures in which the health crisis places the rural communities studied. To ensure food availability, access, utilization, and stability, the results of our study highlighted several disparities among communities. In Senegal, the state had taken several measures to mitigate the impact of restrictions linked to the pandemic as 33.3% in North Senegal and 63.9% in South Senegal mentioned that they had received food aid from the government (Fig. 2). Some actors, especially in the North Senegal (10%) (Fig. 2), specified the importance they placed on local production and trade to allow them access to food, during and after the pandemic.
The local market contained vegetables because they could no longer sell their harvest. Market gardeners brought their goods to the local market. (Woman farmer – North Senegal) [translation from French, E.Q.]
Food security in North Senegal was less affected by the restrictive measures. Nonetheless, the difficulty to travel was a serious impediment for participants and led to a decrease in trade. In response to this challenge, some respondents (33.3%) of North Senegal mitigated the impact of restrictive measures by calling on intermediaries to deliver their products to buyers.
Discussion
The study demonstrated that all four pillars of food security were impacted in both countries. Respondents clearly identified the impacts of the restrictive measures on farming, limiting activities and therefore income and food security. Other studies (Amare et al. 2021; Hammond et al. 2022) have reported similar impacts of COVID-19. Targeting bean farmers in Burkina Faso, Nchanji and Lutomia (2021a) note that 73% of them did not feel affected by the pandemic but still 40% mentioned being food insecure before the pandemic. Only 28% of these farmers have identified seed and fertilizer inputs and labor challenges. In Ghana, Bukari et al. (2022) report that food insecurity is also worse during the first months of the pandemic due to the restriction measures with a large percentage of respondents stating increased number of times households gone without enough food to eat.
The study also underlined a greater vulnerability of the Burkinabe population, compared to Senegal. This vulnerability can be explained not only by the current food insecurity but also by political and social instabilities already present before the pandemic (Nchanji and Lutomia 2021b). Gummerson et al. (2021) also mention that, in Burkina Faso, women in rural communities are more severely affected in terms of food security by the sanitary measures than in urban centres, but all report partial or complete income loss. But within a same country, regions may experience food insecurity differently. Indeed, the difference identified here between the North and South regions in Senegal supports the finding of Hathie et al. (2017) regarding higher food insecurity in the southern regions of the country. Variation among localities can be quite important in assessing the impact of COVID-19 on food insecurity.
Vicious circle
The results from the TCA highlighted the impacts of restrictive measures in the face of pandemic on agricultural and trade activities. Closed markets and borders made it difficult to travel and acquire goods and services. Agricultural production was affected by the lack of labor force and limited access to inputs (Middendorf et al. 2022). Trade was affected by unavailable products, the lack of buyers, and limited access to markets. Decrease in production and trade generated a generalized loss of income in the study areas. The implementation of restriction and measures to control the pandemic triggered a vicious spiral, which producers and traders had to face (Fig. 3). Indeed, loss of income affected their investment capacity and food security of the communities in short-to-medium terms. The loss of income associated with the reduction in trade and cross-border trade led to significant difficulties in purchasing food. These difficulties were reinforced by the increase in prices of imported products. For perishable products that could be harvested, the absence of buyers resulted in lower prices and the degradation and loss of these products. To prevent their products from rotting, many farmers and traders were selling their produce at a loss, not earning any income.
The diversification of production made it possible to avoid dependence on a single crop or a single variety. It offered farmers a greater capacity to adapt to social changes (e.g., lack of labor force) and to environmental changes. The difficulties of transporting and marketing perishable products, especially when prices were the lowest and buyers lacking, underlined the importance of allowing producers and traders to access local storage spaces (Agyei et al. 2021).
The COVID-19 pandemic and the associated health restrictions weakened the production, consumption, and food dynamics of rural communities in Senegal and Burkina Faso. By placing these communities in a vicious circle, the pandemic could also affect, in the medium and long terms, food security in these West African countries. This negative dynamic for food security can be reinforced by climate change and the grabbing of agricultural land, resulting in high vulnerability of rural communities (Seo and Rodriguez 2012). It can also generate poor population health, reinforcing the decline in productivity and the deterioration of food security (McIntyre et al. 2009).
However, this type of vicious circle affecting food security can be prevented by local initiatives and external interventions (Koning et al. 2002). For example, de Graaff et al. (2011) mention technical development as a solution to reverse the vicious circle, but these solutions are often unsuited to the size and capital of farms. Mechanisms of food transfer and cash donations aim to reduce food insecurity (Abdul 2020), but their efficiency varies among communities (Vasseur et al. 2022). As part of our research, it was relevant to us to consider the specific way for these rural communities to deal with the deterioration of food security, which is addressed in another paper (Hamadoum et al. in preparation) Disparities between sexes, regions, and professions of these four rural communities identified the factors and practices leading to this vicious circle and the importance in the future to address them.
Toward a food system transformation in the face of crisis
Our research demonstrated the impact of sanitary measures on the food systems and security in rural communities in Senegal and Burkina Faso. All four pillars, from production to consumption, were affected by border closure, markets closure, lockdowns, and curfews. Middendorf et al. (2021) also mention that the agricultural production system is disrupted by sanitary measures during the pandemic. Product availability was limited, and access to food and condiments was also difficult by declining income, travel restrictions, and market closures. The decrease in the quantity, quality, and frequency of meals demonstrated limited product use among vulnerable people. The COVID-19 pandemic also modified the behavior of non-vulnerable people, constituting food reserves. This implies severe consequences on the supply chains (decrease in stocks, increase in prices, and loss of products) (Amuakwa-Mensah et al. 2022). Price stability was also affected, but the food insecurity did not seem to reach agreement within families. However, the pandemic situation can have an impact on the mental health (depression and isolation) of populations, a factor not considered in this study (Shepherd 2022).
Senegalese and Burkinabe communities follow the same dynamics that other sub-Saharan countries experience, including increases in prices and decreases in income, as highlighted by Dasgupta and Robinson (2022) in 11 countries in Africa. Disparities among communities have been found in our study. Communities in Burkina Faso are more affected by the food insecurity than in Senegal. In Senegal, the vulnerability before the crises was less important than in Burkina Faso, allowing to mitigate the sanitary measures outcomes.
There was also a clear difference between the men and women in how they faced the pandemic and its consequences. Women were more vulnerable, especially when looking at small subsistence gardens and food utilization and access. This led to decrease in food quality and intake, especially in women in charge of families, giving more to the men and the children. The vulnerability of women farmers to food insecurity is highlighted by the pandemic, but this is above all the consequence of a set of gender norms that define the roles of production, trade, and household maintenance (Mangheni et al. 2019).
The sanitary measures also reinforce the women’s vulnerability in their capacity to produce and trade, whereas their role is essential in food system in sub-Saharan countries (Ojokoh et al. 2022). Although the women’s vulnerability was present before the pandemic (Mangheni et al. 2019), it further weakens their access to tools, inputs, labor forces, and then their productivity, trade, and income, making them less autonomous about decision-making and financial management. Middendorf et al. (2021) indicate that, in their survey on likelihood of change, women anticipate increased amount of work in the household for cleaning, food preparation, etc., as well as on-farm and off-farm activities. These changes are related to increased needs for cleaning and sanitary measures as well as concerns related to food security, mainly availability and access. It is important for governments to increase family support and especially women groups who can increase their capacity to produce a greater diversity of produce and improve food self-sufficiency.
All these factors (food insecurity, poverty, gender inequalities, and vicious circle) are also affected by other crisis and disturbances (social, economic, environmental, or political) in Senegal and Burkina Faso. To be resilient to the next emergency, new principles of sustainability, circularity, and diversity for food systems have emerged from this health crisis (Bisoffi et al. 2021; Ruben et al. 2021). Sustainability of the food system must integrate technical as well as social and economic aspects of food production, processing, trade, and consumption (FAO 2020). Circularity can reinforce the territorial development and the quality of the environment in rural communities (Oosting et al. 2022). Agricultural and social diversities can help the food systems absorb disturbances, by maintaining biodiversity and supporting natural resources management (Bommarco et al. 2013).
Government and humanitarian aid systems should mobilize local supply chains while at the same time find ways to ensure safe trade between countries. The purchase of local products can substantially reduce post-harvest losses and poor sales on the markets while ensuring income for producers and traders of agricultural products (Nchangi and Lutomia 2021a). It is relevant to develop local markets, not only in times of crisis, but also permanently, to reinforce the long-term sustainability of the food systems. This would limit the post-harvest losses notably but would require the development and financing of storage infrastructure for local agricultural production, accessible to both women and men.
To deal with potential new crises, another way to develop local markets is to promote agricultural diversification within communities with the involvement of both women (especially) and men, increasing the range of agricultural products available within communities to meet household food needs. This would reduce the dependence on imports in the food system and strengthen the food sovereignty of rural communities in the country. However, cross-border trade nevertheless remains important for border communities and should not be neglected in this way. Governments need to re-examine the issue of border closures and develop policy that can ensure same trade among countries. Regulating the use of intermediaries may ensure continuity in the movement of key players in the production, processing, and marketing of agricultural products.
To cope with the health crisis, respondents in Senegal and Burkina Faso said they had not received financial aid from their governments. During the pandemic, financial aid has been put in place in several countries in sub-Saharan Africa (Dasgupta and Robinson 2022; Tabe-Ojong et al. 2022). A financial aid to small farmers and processors (or a facilitated access to finance and credit policies) could help food systems in local communities to avoid or limit falling into a vicious circle. This aid may be oriented to both women and men in times of crisis.
Women are key to ensure the resilience of the food systems. As Moseley and Battersby (2020, p. 453) state, “The majority of Africa’s homegrown food is produced by women (70% by some estimates)”. Their role being so important should be carefully considered in any future policy change with supportive actions. It is important to improve awareness of these issues to heads of institutions (and civil society organizations supporting them) in the agricultural sector and trade to ensure that women are considered (access and power) in policies and programs to ensure food self-sufficiency and make the food system more diversified and resilient. This pandemic has demonstrated that in countries where food insecurity is already present, restrictive sanitary measures can have further long-term effects on both women and men who experience the pandemic differently. Therefore, any new policy or program should completely consider the four pillars of food security and how it is lived by women and men.
Conclusion
Our research used semi-directive interviews, allowing to understand more precisely the dynamics of the food systems in Senegal and Burkina Faso in pandemic context. The analysis based on the thematic content of the discourses allowed the respondents to explain more precisely the consequences of the sanitary measures. Beyond the global increase in price and the loss of income, our study also identified the limited access to labor force and inputs, and the lack of infrastructure to mitigate the pandemic impact on food security.
The governments imposed the closure of borders between countries. As a result, it highlighted the dependence of communities on cross-border trade and the importation of food. To ensure food security during a crisis period, strengthening the country’s food sovereignty by favoring local production and trade may be an alternative. Maintaining local trading activities, such as in the North and South Senegal, can help ensure better access to locally produced food. However, it must be done according to strict health measures: social distancing, hand washing, and wearing a mask. Using an intermediary to keep selling the produce also allowed people in North Senegal better access to food and limited loss of income. Ayanlade and Radeny (2020) underline the need for governments to rethink the issues of border closures during pandemic as in sub-Sahara Africa, countries highly depend on imports for food security. The high level of variation in food insecurity among communities in this study and others (Hammond et al. 2022; Gummerson et al. 2021) speak to the importance of understanding the location-specific dynamics in food production. To ensure food security during a crisis period, strengthening the country’s food sovereignty by favoring local production and trade may be an alternative.
Disparities between genders and communities have highlighted a number of levers that can help mitigate the impact of the COVID-19, and associated health restrictions, on food security in rural communities: mutual aid, financial support, community exchanges, etc. Nonetheless, the COVID-19 is also pushing already deficient food systems into a vicious circle of food insecurity. In this context, the pandemic calls for a deep transformation of food systems, based on diversification of production and development of local markets, to cope with future crisis.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank all the research assistants who conducted the interviews and translated initially in French. We would also like to acknowledge the communities where the study was conducted for the support.
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Information & Authors
Information
Published In
FACETS
Volume 9 • Number 1 • January 2024
Pages: 1 - 16
Editor: Nitika Pai
History
Received: 29 June 2023
Accepted: 16 March 2024
Version of record online: 19 July 2024
Copyright
© 2024 The Author(s). This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC BY 4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited.
Key Words
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Author Contributions
Conceptualization: IV, LV
Data curation: EQ
Formal analysis: EQ, LV
Methodology: IV, LV
Project administration: IV, LV
Supervision: LV
Validation: EQ, IV, KT, SS, FLB, LV
Writing – original draft: EQ, LV
Writing – review & editing: EQ, IV, KT, SS, FLB, LV
Competing Interests
The authors declare no conflict of interest.
Funding Information
International Development Research Centre: 109581-001
This research was funded by the International Development Research Centre, grant number 109581-001.
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Etienne Quillet, Isabelle Vandeplas, Katim Touré, Safiétou Sanfo, Fatoumata Lamarana Baldé, and Liette Vasseur. 2024. Did the COVID-19 pandemic disrupt food security in West African rural communities? Survey results from four regions of Senegal and Burkina Faso. FACETS.
9(): 1-16. https://doi.org/10.1139/facets-2023-0111
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